quarta-feira, 18 de janeiro de 2017

CARTA ABERTA AOS AUTÊNTICOS REVOLUCIONÁRIOS 2017



Um Chamado urgente para a unidade e a luta conjunta em uma plataforma revolucionária

Uma carta aberta a todos os autênticos revolucionários para uma Conferência Internacional sobre o 100º aniversário da Revolução de Outubro para fazer avançar a construção de um Partido Revolucionário mundial

Publicado pela Corrente Comunista Revolucionária Internacional (CCRI), 09.01.2017, www.thecommunists.net


Camaradas, irmãos e irmãs!

Este é um chamado urgente a todos os autênticos revolucionários para a unidade no sentido de podermos avançar a construção de uma liderança na luta contra a ofensiva reacionária da classe dominante. A CCRI considera esta tarefa como a mais importante no período atual, exigindo total dedicação e seriedade dos revolucionários dos países ao redor do mundo.

Então vamos falar sobre essa tarefa diretamente e sem qualquer diplomacia. Para aqueles que simpatizam com a denominada  “guerra ao terror” dos EUA e da Rússia no Oriente Médio e África; para aqueles que saúdam a assassina conquista  de Assad sobre Aleppo como uma "vitória"; para aqueles que dão boas-vindas à repressão da ditadura militar egípcia contra toda a oposição; para aqueles que louvam Tsipras e a liderança do  SYRIZA na Grécia para sua política “realista” de governo" na implementação do memorando da União Europeia-EU; para esses casos sugerimos: não continuem a ler o nosso chamado, pois só seria uma perda de tempo!

Mas aqueles entre vocês que estão determinados a lutar contra as agressões de todas as Grandes Potências no Oriente e Ocidente; Quem está pronto para defender os trabalhadores e oprimidos contra os imperialistas e seus lacaios locais; Quem está pronto a lutar contra a burocracia dentro do movimento operário, a qual está estrangulando a resistência da nossa classe – nós te dizemos: Considere nossa proposta a sério e vamos  unir forças agora na construção de um Partido Revolucionário Mundial que vai avançar a luta contra o capitalismo e contra o imperialismo e para uma revolução socialista mundial!

2017 é o centenário da Revolução de Outubro, o evento mais importante da história moderna, quando os trabalhadores e camponeses liderados pelo Partido Bolchevique conquistaram o poder pela primeira vez. No entanto, este aniversário também nos faz lembrar - em contraste com 1917 - da ausência total de um partido bolchevique hoje!

Convocamos urgentemente todos os autênticos revolucionários a se unirem, porque o principal problema do período atual não é a falta de luta e resistência dos operários e dos oprimidos. O sistema capitalista está em decadência e suas contradições econômicas, políticas e militares estão se acelerando, como a CCRI esboçou em seu mais recente documento  Perspectiva Mundial. A profunda crise do sistema imperialista está constantemente provocando lutas e revoluções de massa. No entanto, a questão-chave é a falta total de liderança revolucionária e, portanto, existe o domínio sobre os trabalhadores e  organizações populares por parte dos populistas estalinistas, socialdemocratas, Castro-Chavistas, populistas pequeno-burgueses ou forças islâmicas. No entanto, esses líderes enganadores estão totalmente corrompidos e sempre traem a luta popular em troca de alguns postos e privilégios; ou então são honestos e dedicados, mas combinam heroísmo individual com uma estratégia que substitui a mobilização de massa e a organização para a revolução com uma autodestrutiva concepção elitista e militarista. Embora se possa dizer que esta é a versão mais honesta, no entanto, é uma estratégia predestinada a um beco sem saída.

Por conseguinte, a decadência do capitalismo anda de mãos dadas com a profunda crise das organizações tradicionais de massa da classe trabalhadora e dos oprimidos. Nós devemos dizer aos trabalhadores e oprimidos a verdade: enquanto eles estão liderados por estas forças não-revolucionárias, sua luta está condenada a acabar em um beco sem saída ou até mesmo à contra-revolução.

A conclusão a partir disto não é o arrogante sermão sobre as massas e o afastamento passivo de suas lutas. Somente sectários e traidores podem chegar a tais conclusões. Só se pode agir como um revolucionário se estiver participando ativamente das batalhas de classe que nossos irmãos e irmãs estão travando uma vez e outra contra os governantes. Tal participação nas lutas populares também é necessária, de fato é ainda mais urgente, se a liderança das massas não é revolucionária. É crucial desafiar consistentemente  as falsas lideranças, algo que só pode ser feito dentro da luta de massas, mas nunca do lado de fora.

Autênticos revolucionários devem combinar essa participação ativa nas lutas populares com uma implacável propaganda e com agitação para táticas e slogans revolucionários, com uma luta política consistente contra os burocratas e falsos líderes e com esforços incansáveis para organizar os mais conscientes e militantes dos trabalhadores e oprimidos em um partido revolucionário (ou um núcleo pré-partido, como um primeiro passo).

Por causa da natureza política, económica e militar do capitalismo ser invariavelmente internacional e por necessidade ele ter uma atuação global, a organização da classe trabalhadora e suas lutas também só pode ser internacional. Todos os esforços para construir um partido revolucionário limitado, puramente nacional está condenado a degenerar tanto como organização, como politicamente. Autênticos marxistas devem trabalhar incansavelmente para construir um Partido Revolucionário Mundial, caso contrário, eles estarão falhando em sua missão fundamental!

É verdade que, um novo partido revolucionário mundial – defendendo a tradição das quatro primeiras internacionais e baseada nos ensinamentos dos grandes revolucionários Marx, Engels, Lenin, Luxemburgo e Trotsky – não pode ser estabelecido em uma única tacada. Tal internacional deve ser politicamente testada nas lutas dos trabalhadores e dos oprimidos. No entanto, a organização de um núcleo – independentemente de seu tamanho atual – para construir tal partido mundial pode-se e deve-se começar imediatamente. Esperar por outras pessoas para fazerem este trabalho é uma atitude passiva e cínica – somente intervindo e agindo coletivamente em escala nacional, assim como em escala internacional é algo digno de um revolucionário!

Chamamos urgentemente todos os autênticos revolucionários para imediatamente começarem a vir juntos e discutirmos uma plataforma concreta para a luta de classes e para fazer avançar a construção de um partido revolucionário mundial. Como primeiro passo concreto nesse sentido, a CCRI propõe que, juntamente com os interessados, organizar conjuntamente uma conferência internacional em 2017 – o ano do 100º aniversário da revolução de outubro. Tal conferência deve estabelecer a base para uma ação conjunta no sentido da formação de um partido revolucionário mundial.

Unir-se para uma tal iniciativa conjunta para a organização internacional dos revolucionários só é possível com base no acordo sobre as principais questões políticas da atual luta de classes no mundo. Como nós já declaramos em nosso documentoPerspectiva Mundial, a CCRI considera as seguintes políticas como questões chaves programáticas na presente fase política:


a)   Reconhecimento da aceleração rivalidade entre a grandes potências imperialistas, E.U.A, UE, Japão, Rússia e China. Só é possível compreender a dinâmica do atual período de crise capitalista e tomar uma posição correta ao se reconhecer o caráter imperialista não só de E.U.A, UE e Japão, mas também das novas potências emergentes, Rússia e China. Somente a partir de tal base é possível chegar ao único programa correto sobre esta questão – o derrotismo revolucionário, ou seja, a perspectiva de luta consistente contra todas as potências imperialistas. Isto significa que os revolucionários devem se recusar a apoiar qualquer grande potência em conflitos inter-imperialistas, defendendo o lema que "o inimigo principal está em casa!"


b)   Uma consistente luta contra o imperialismo. Revolucionários defendem a derrota dos Estados imperialistas em qualquer conflito contra as forças que representam o povo oprimido, e pela vitória de militar destas últimas, ao mesmo tempo, não dar qualquer apoio político para as lideranças não-revolucionárias dos oprimidos (por exemplo, os islamitas pequeno-burgueses islamitas, os nacionalistas). Isto é verdade tanto em conflitos internos (por exemplo, da Rússia contra uma nação oprimida como povo checheno) bem como em guerras no estrangeiro (por exemplo, Afeganistão, Síria, Mali, Somália). Da mesma forma, os revolucionários têm que lutar pela abertura das fronteiras dos países imperialistas e pela plena igualdade para as minorias nacionais e para os migrantes. Além disso, os revolucionários se recusam a apoiar um campo imperialista contra o outro em qualquer conflito (por exemplo, Brexit vs União Europeia; Clinton versus Trump).

c)    Apoio contínuo para a Revolução Árabe. As massas populares em revoltas na Tunísia, Egito, Líbia, Síria, Iêmen e outros países têm sido o mais importante e progressivo desenvolvimento da luta de classes até agora desde o início do novo período histórico em 2008. Em verdade, dada a falta de uma liderança revolucionária, as massas sofreram uma série de derrotas terríveis – como o golpe de estado do General al-Sisi no Egito, em julho de 2013, ou o massacre em curso do povo sírio nas mãos de Assad e seus apoiadores estrangeiros. No entanto, o processo revolucionário continua, e isso se reflete na resistência popular em curso na Síria, Egito, Iêmen, Marrocos etc. As forças revolucionárias autênticas devem dar apoio incondicional a estas lutas populares contra as ditaduras e contra forças reacionárias, sem dar qualquer apoio político às suas lideranças não-revolucionárias (por exemplo, os islamitas pequeno-burgueses).

d)   Participação em todas as lutas de massa contra programas de austeridade e ataques reacionários aos direitos democráticos. Os revolucionários são contra todas as formas de sectarismo, tal como a recusa a participação em lutas de massa, sob o pretexto de existirem nelas lideranças não-revolucionárias. Em vez disso, os revolucionários aplicam a tática da frente única nas lutas dos trabalhadores e camponeses liderados por reformistas ou forças populistas contra o programa de austeridade (por exemplo, nos sindicatos, organizações de massa de camponeses e os pobres urbanos, mas também nos partidos políticos como MORENA no México, SYRIZA na Grécia antes de 2015,  PODEMOS em Espanha) ou contra golpes antidemocráticos e ditaduras (PT, CUT, MST, no Brasil; com os  Islâmicos no Egito; os rebeldes na Síria). Tal orientação deve ser combinada com uma consistente luta contra todas as formas de populismo de frente popular ou populismo pequeno-burguês e lutar para que operários e camponeses rompam com essas lideranças não-revolucionárias, e para promover a formação de um independente e revolucionário partido dos trabalhadores.

No entanto, o acordo em tal base só pode ser o ponto de partida para uma fase intensiva de discussões e ações comuns. É importante desenvolver uma compreensão comum da teoria marxista e do programa, que podem criar discussões polêmicas e fortes entre as organizações participantes. Tal compreensão conjunta programática tem que ser testada ao implementá-la na prática através de atividades comuns.

Portanto, exortamos a todas as organizações que honestamente, esforçam-se pela criação de um novo partido revolucionário mundial a unir forças com base nestas questões chaves programáticas. Concretamente, a CCRI propõe que os revolucionários constituam um Comité Misto de Contato de todas as forças que concordam em geral com tal visão. A tarefa de tal  Comissão seria preparar politicamente e organizacionalmente uma Conferência Internacional em 2017. O objetivo dessa conferência seria discutir medidas concretas para promover a formação de um partido revolucionário mundial.

A CCRI contribui com seus documentos fundamentais para discussão entre militantes revolucionários – em especial, seu programático Manifesto Pela Libertação Revolucionária, recentemente adotada. No entanto, estamos igualmente prontos a estudar e a discutir os documentos de outras organizações. Estamos convencidos de que os autênticos revolucionários serão capazes de elaborar, com base em tais documentos, uma plataforma comum de trabalho comum para a construção de um partido revolucionário mundial.

Estamos conscientes de que não é sempre fácil criar uma organização internacional conjunta com forças provenientes de experiências e tradições diferentes. Os revolucionários não devem estar assustados com a possibilidade de discussões controversas e da necessidade de testar uma posição diferente na luta de classes. No entanto, uma séria atitude com relação às diferenças – ou seja, uma aberta e franca discussão sobre elas em vez de diplomaticamente escondê-las – é afinal de contas a maneira honesta e frutífera para superar tais diferenças.

Da mesma forma, é possível em caso necessário criar, estágios prévios, em etapas, a fim de aprender com os outros e sistematicamente, se aproximar mais. Mas é indispensável que comecemos um processo conjunto agora!

Camaradas, apenas podemos honrar o legado da revolução socialista de outubro de 1917 se agirmos coletivamente no espírito e na base as lições programáticas e organizacionais dos bolcheviques. Vamos unir forças na missão histórica da luta da nossa geração com decisiva determinação: a criação de um partido revolucionário mundial como o instrumento mais importante da classe trabalhadora em sua luta pela libertação! Não vamos perder tempo e desperdício de energia; Vamos Marchar para a frente – juntos - agora!

Não há futuro sem socialismo!

Não há socialismo sem revolução!

Não há revolução sem um partido revolucionário!

* * * * *

Encorajamos as organizações e ativistas que compartilham as perspectivas gerais desta carta aberta para entrarem em contato conosco e enviar-nos suas ideias e críticas para que possamos discutir medidas concretas para elaboração e discussão conjunta: rcit@thecommunists.net

O RCIT é uma organização revolucionária internacional que une seções e ativistas em 13 países com base em um programa comum e os princípios organizacionais do centralismo democrático (Paquistão, Sri Lanka, Iémen, Tunísia, Israel/Palestina Ocupada, Turquia, Brasil, México, Venezuela, Aotearoa/Nova Zelândia, Grã-Bretanha, Alemanha e Áustria).

Para uma visão mais ampla de pontos de vista a RCIT recomendamos, para aqueles que estão interessados, nosso site www.thecommunists.net. Queremos chamar especial atenção ao nosso Manifesto pela libertação revolucionária. As tarefas da luta de libertação contra o capitalismo em decadência (adoptado pelo 1º Congresso da RCIT em outubro de 2016, https://www.thecommunists.net/home/portugu%C3%AAs/rcit-programa-2016/) estamos em um processo de publicar este Manifesto em pelo menos sete idiomas diferentes nas próximas semanas.

Também recomendamos aos leitores o mais recente documento da CCRI World Perspective 2017: A Luta Contra a Ofensiva Reacionária em Época de Trumpismo. Teses sobre a Situação Mundial, as Perspectivas para a Luta de Classes e asTarefas dos Revolucionários (adoptado em 18 de dezembro de 2016, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/world-perspectives-2017/)

sexta-feira, 6 de janeiro de 2017

RESISTANCE BY YOUTH IS THE ROAD TO THE MASS MOVEMENT

Original in Português published in november,15,2016

By Corrente Comunista Revolucionária (CCR, Brazil Section of the RCIT), 15. November 2016, http://elmundosocialista.blogspot.com


Forty days ago, occupations by youth of public schools began across Brazil, mainly in the State of Paraná. As of today, more than 1,000 schools and several universities have been occupied. This mobilization began against the proposed high school reform, which entirely eliminates important fields of studies like sociology, philosophy, artistic education and physical education; it has also taken up the cause against the drafting of an amendment to the Brazilian Constitution that will prevent the government from investing any additional monies above the rate of inflation in public education and health for all Brazilians for a period of 20 years! The project has already been nicknamed properly "Law of the end of the world."

This amendment will also mean the freezing of salaries of all civil servants for the same period of two decades. Thus, in addition to the educational outrages, much of the Brazilian population will physically suffer the results of the governments plans, because public health care will get worse than it already is. Therefore, the current resistance struggle of the students must become that of the entire working class. Currently, the young students studying in public school, mainly in the outlying regions of the country, are setting the example. It is incumbent that the mass movements and the working class join the resistance.

During these 40 days or so of occupations of schools, students have been subjected to various pressure tactics and even violence at the hands of the military police and the courts. In open violation of the Statute for Minors and Children (a law intended to protect minors up to the age of 18), youths were handcuffed when being removed from the Lady Filomena Moreira de Paula high school in the state of Tocantins. In the national capital of Brazil, Brasilia, Judge Alex Choudhary, authorized the use of torture techniques against students conducting occupations. Among the actions authorized are the cutting off of the water supply, electricity and gas; the use of noise to prevent the occupiers from sleeping; and restricting their access to family, friends and food. The Minister of Education, Mendonça Filho, said he was convinced that the student movement that already occupies more than 1,000 educational institutions throughout Brazil is partisan: "It is clear that the sectors connected to the PT, PCdoB and PSOL are actually orchestrating this mobilization along with the unions." Thats to say that, for this reactionary rightist, the imposing of legal measures to cut investments in education and introducing top to bottom educational reforms in high schools without discussing these matters with students and educators have no importance or political significance; but those who oppose such are measures are being manipulated by the radical left. The monopolistic bourgeois press, in bed with the government, only disclosed the numbers of occupied schools and universities, because such schools will be involved in, and clearly impact, the administration of the national exams regularly used to evaluate high school students, and obviously such information was transmitted to millions of Brazilians with the intention of criminalizing the student movement.

However the stunning intervention of Ana Julia Raj, a 16 year old high school student, reverberated throughout Brazil and around the world when, on October 27, when facing MPs of the parliament of the State of Parana, she made a powerful speech in favor of the occupations as being an expression in favor of education. Her speech, supporting education and the occupations, came to be compared to the activity of the young Malala Yousafzai, the Pakistani girl who at 14 years of age suffered an assassination attempt by the Taliban for wanting an education, and who won the 2014 Nobel Peace Prize. Ana Julia, even though she had no previous experience in public speaking, did not spare the state deputies, and accused them of being responsible for the situation and claiming that they have blood on their hands. When questioned intensively by parliamentarians, she didn't retreat from what she said in her speech, repeating that the responsibility for children and teenagers is that of the Federal and state governments, according to law.

Since then, the movement to occupy schools and public universities in Brazil has only grown.

The Corrente Comunista Revolucionária-CCR (the Brazilian section of the RCIT) strongly defends the occupation movement of students in schools. These youths are the primary interested parties in defending the quality of public, secular and free education. The government of Michel Temer is attacking public education with the explicit goal of promoting the privatization of the sector in order to generate profits for billionaire businessmen. Currently, Brazilian law obligates state and Federal governments to invest in public education an average of 25% of their budget. These represent billions of dollars that the vultures of privatization want to snap up.

The student struggle is more than fair, for the future of these young people is at stake. This struggle is the struggle of us all and is one that should be taken up by social movements, trade unions and labor federations, as well as by left-wing progressive parties against all the attacks of the insurgent government of Michel Temer.

*Full support for the student struggle!

*No, to the proposed high school reforms!

*For more funds for quality education in the public schools for the children of workers!

*For the unity of organized workers in defense of education!! For the CUT, MST, MST and the heads of social movements to make themselves and their organizations available to the students in defense of education and against the repression!

*Down with Bonapartist repression against students!







quinta-feira, 5 de janeiro de 2017

THE OUTLAW REGIME OF BRAZIL INTENSIFIES ITS ATTACKS AGAINST THE WORKING CLASS




By Corrente Comunista Revolucionária (CCR, Brazil Section of the RCIT), November 2016, http://elmundosocialista.blogspot.com

Two important events took place in the middle of October: the arrest of the former President of the House of Deputies, Eduardo Cunha (PMDB) – the man responsible for opening the impeachment process against President Dilma Rousseff (PT); and the invasion of the Senate by the Federal Police to arrest, in a totally arbitrary and illegal action, some security officials of the house directly subordinate to the president of the senate , Senator Renan Calheiros.

In the case of the arrest of Eduardo Cunha, who is being accused of the misuse of public funds belonging to Petrobras and who has already been proved to have bank accounts in Switzerland, it is clear that the real intention of the investigators of “Operation Car Wash” and Federal Judge Sergio Moro is to lay the groundwork for imprisoning former President Lula da Silva. Throughout all the investigations related to “Operation Car Wash,” including those of Judge Moro himself, absolutely no attempt was made to arrest other politicians of the PMDB, PSDB and DEM whose names were mentioned, according to reports, during the questioning of those who were arrested and were blackmailed into spilling the beans by being offered Witness immunity. They have arrested only a few entrepreneurs in the construction sector and several former ministers of the Worker’s Party (PT), and even months ago threatened to arrest former president Lula da Silva, but not following through on the threat due to mass protests that threatened to trigger greater social unrest. But by holding a big fish like Eduardo Cunha, Judge Sergio Moro is attempting to improve his chances of imprisoning Lula, because by detaining Cunha he reckons that he can get rid of his image of accusing prosecuting only the PT, while at the same time perpetuating a false image of impartiality.

The Crisis Begins between the Sectors of the Bourgeoisie following the Impeachment of Dilma Roussef

On October 21, agents of the Federal Police (FP), under the authorization of a leading judge, Vallisney de Souza, and the Minister of Justice, Alexandre de Moraes (PSDB), invaded the Senate to arrest four security staff officials of this house of parliament on charges of hindering the investigation of corruption at Petrobras. Note that Alexandre de Moraes is one of three PSDB politicians who accepted the offer of the unelected, putschist president, Michel Temer, to participate in his government. According to the Federal Police, the detained security staff officials installed "without authorization" surveillance devices in the homes and offices of former President of the Republic José Sarney (PMDB), Senator and former President Fernando Collor (PTC-AL), Gleisi Hoffmann (PT), and former Senator Edson Lobão Filho (PMDB). So, it turns out, we now have two former presidents who don’t feel secure in their privacy in the new Brazil which emerged following the ousting of the government of Dilma Rousseff.

The moment Calheiros learned of the arrests of the security staff, the president of the Senate, spared no criticism of those responsible for the action and, regarding the Minister of Justice, declared in anger that “the attempt to embarrass the senate investigations with spurious claims is based on fantasy” and he called the magistrate who authorized the arrests, federal judge Vallisney de Souza Oliveira, "little Judge" and claimed that the Minister of Justice, Alexandre de Moraes (PSDB), says "good morning to horses". He went on to say that "a judge of first standing can’t at any time threaten power. It is unfortunate that this happens in a spectacle with the participation of a government minister (Moraes), who has not been behaving as a minister but instead as the police." Calheiros has stated that he has “hatred and disgust" of what he called "fascist methods" that were being, in his view, employed by the justice and that "More than ever we need to defend the democratic values. This is my duty. That's why I'm repelling this invasion [of operation of the Federal Police], just as I repel all abuses committed against the Senate under my presidency."

To complete the crisis between legislative, executive and judiciary branches of the government, the President of the Supreme Court, Minister Carmen Lucia, refuted the criticism of the President of the Senate against Judge Vallisney de Souza Oliveira, saying that "when any judge is disregarded, I too am being disregarded," and continued by stating that the judiciary must be respected by the other branches of the Republic. However, she "forgot" that as President of the Supreme Court, she's not simply a judge and would have to analyze what happened in a situation that, even by the standards of bourgeois democracy, the invasion of the Senate, a legislative body, by the Federal Police, an organ of the Executive, demonstrates that something is very wrong.

Two Weights, Two Measures

As one manifestation of what is very wrong, we will now review all the arbitrary arrests made by the promoters, judges and federal police against the politicians, businessmen or other persons who were somehow connected to the Workers’ Party (PF), the unsuccessful attempt to arrest Lula being the most grotesque example of such. Neither Renan Calheiros, nor the members of the Supreme Court saw any manifestations of authoritarianism or fascism in these incidents. The Coup of Impeachment that revoked 54 million votes and installed a far right-wing government ready to undertake a deep set of structural reforms that will put to an end the social rights of the poor and oppressed, all this to them "was an exercise of democracy," but when the PMDB leaders or the Supreme Court itself suffer the consequences of what they themselves helped to install, then they claim that such actions are "fascistic."

The Advance of the Outlaw Regime

The attacks against democratic rights are not limited to what happened just now. These attacks have arisen in the form of increasing judicial interference in the affairs of government, setting up a process by which judges are not just interpreters of the law, but are themselves acting in the role of political agents.

The imprisonment in 2013 of José Dirceu (PT) a former minister of Lula da Silva in the case of the "Mensalão" corruption scandal was decided by the Supreme Court not based on evidence, but using the “goal-directed theory of human action,” created by Hans Welzel in 1939 and developed by jurist Claus Roxin, in his 1963 work Täterschaft und Tatherrschaft, have gained momentum in Europe and Latin America. This theory posits that no hard evidence is needed to establish someone's guilt, but only the assumption that "everybody knew who really was in charge." In this sense, former Minister José Dirceu is a political prisoner.

With the emergence in March of 2014 of the corruption scandal related to “Operation Car Wash” and the rise of Judge Sergio Moro, the Brazilian version of US Senator Joseph McCarthy, the abuses have just accumulated. Coercive imprisonment of individuals, without those being investigated knowing beforehand what are the charges against them, most of whom were from the Worker’s' Party (none were from the PMDB, DEM or PSDB), even though other members of rightist parties were implicated in the witness immnunity deals offered to prisoners. The priority target thus far has been only members of the PT, the implicit goal being to prevent the candidacy of Lula da Silva in 2018.

In addition to forced arrests, judge Moro continues to imprison the accused indefinitely, without trial, until they all agree to "denounce" their alleged crimes and their alleged accomplices, something which is called witness immunity. It is clear that, after a certain time in prison, a detainee may be willing to hand over his own mother to the police. This is the modern Brazilian version of medieval prison, the main difference being that torture is not physical. It’s obvious that, as the PT is the main target, several of its former ministers and former members of the governments of Lula and Rousseff have been "indicted" and are in jail, but none of the members of the PMDB, PSDB and DEM.

On September 14, the Federal Prosecutor Deltan Dallagnoll, using a PowerPoint presentation, claimed that Lula da Silva had committed crimes of active and passive corruption, money laundering, and that he also allegedly received 3,500 million reais (just over 1 million dollars) of from the Petrobrás affair. What drew particular attention was the prosecutor’s remark that: "We have no concrete evidence against former President Lula, but we are truly convinced [of his guilt]." Again, in the absence of real evidence, what determines the guilt of the accused is the degree to which the accusers are “convinced.”

Eight days later, the Federal Court of the 4th region in the state of Paraná, home to Judge Sergio Moro, decided that the investigation into “Operation car wash” does not need to follow the rules of common legal processes. The defendants’ lawyers pointed out how the investigations are deliberately ignoring the limits of the law; for example, they are allowing evidence to be submitted from the wiretapping of law offices as well as leakages of illegally obtained information from telephone surveillance involving political authorities, all conducted without the legally necessary authorization. But to the Special Court of that of the 4th region, “Operation Car Wash” has "brought us unprecedented problems and it requires unprecedented solutions." On the basis of this authoritarian concept, officials have closed investigation proceeding against Federal Judge Sergio Moro for having leaked conversations between former presidents Dilma Rousseff and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva from when Dilma was still in office.

Former President Lula Turns to the UN Human Rights Commission

The defense for former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva has submitted a petition to the UN Human Rights Committee against Judge Sergio Moro, accusing him of violating Lula’s human rights. The petition denounces the "deprivation of liberty" represented by the order of the 24th stage of the forced “Operation car wash” back in March. It also complains of the "leak of confidential materials (audios)" with the disclosure of (family) telephone conversations of the former president.

Lula’s Defense hired a British firm specializing in human rights. The lawyer, Geoffrey Robertson, has denounced the impartiality of Sergio Moro because he, for example, attend a launch of a book about Operation car wash. "Moro is behaving as if he himself constitutes an anticorruption commission." For the British Robertson, there should be a distinction between the judge responsible for an investigation, and the judge responsible for a trial.

The PMDB – Former Ally of the PT in the Popular Front – is Now the Target

This week’s new development involved prominent politicians of the PMDB becoming targets of "Operation Car Wash". Of course these are no ordinary citizens. They are senators of the Republic who, when they began to feel insecure, asked Renan Calheiros, president of the Senate, to order senate security officials to search their homes and offices. But the Federal Police, under the command of the Minister Alexandre de Moraes, was alerted, and with the judge’s authorization were sent to arrest the senate security officials. Obviously, because they directly report to the president of the Senate, in their testimonies before the Federal Police, they claimed in their defense that they were only followed orders. The senators, having parliamentary immunity, could only be arrested on direct orders from the Supreme Court.

The President of the Senate, Renan Calheiros, together with Senators Lindbergh Farias (PT) and Vanessa Grazziotin (PC do B), as well as Paulo Pereira (SD) announced that the Senate will file a lawsuit in the Supreme Court to “establish the healthy limits of power.” In the announcement, the President of the Senate made reference to the episode involving the search and seizure carried out in the apartment of Senator Gleisi Hoffmann, the conduct of officials when they attempted to arrest former President Lula as well as leaks of audio conversations between Lula and former President Dilma Rousseff a month before the removal of the latter by the House of Representatives. However, we would raise an additional point: How is it possible that a judge, without the authorization of the Supreme Court, felt free not only to authorize wiretapping in the offices and homes of senators of the Republic, and arrest security personnel in the Senate, while targeting the biggest party in Brazil, the PMDB?

What the PMDB and the PSDB Represent

The answer to our question is simple, and is a manifestation of the struggle for power that has begun between the PMDB and the PSDB: While the two bourgeois parties, PSDB and DEM, teamed up with the PMDB to bring about the coup d'état that removed President Dilma from office, they never set aside their differences. Each of them has its own agenda and they are only united in adopting neoliberal reforms to attack the workers.

From the end of the military dictatorship in 1985, the PMDB was the party that always competed within the upper echelons of power (during the military dictatorship it was the only opposition party, then named MDB); first with its own candidate, Jose Sarney, elected to the presidency of a civil government by the electoral college after the end of the dictatorship and subsequently participating in various national governments up to those of Lula and Dilma Rousseff. The PMDB, despite failing to elect any President after Sarney, is still the party that governs most of the prefectures of the country. Is a party that is in power in some large and medium sized cities, as well as in small rural towns. It's a party that has specialized in using the state apparatus to benefit its base of supporters, and in this way their patronage and pragmatism enabled them to form an alliance with the Worker’s Party (PT) in a kind of Popular Front government of the.

The PSDB was founded in 1988, after splitting from the PMDB. The pompous name of the party, translated to English as the Brazilian Social Democracy Party, is nothing but a farce. They are not and never have been a party based on what we understand to be social democracy as, for example, the PT is. The PSDB emerged as a political party closely linked to Western imperialism (the US, Europe and Japan). The social basis of the PSDB is the industrial heartland in the State of São Paulo. It is the party of the upper bourgeoisie of the wealthiest state in Brazil. It is funded by FIESP-Federation of industries of the State of São Paulo, by the powerful Federation of Trade in Goods, Services and Tourism of the State of São Paulo and by the wealthy large landowners who own the agribusiness in the state. The PSDB is the chief representative of Wall Street's interests in Brazil. Its strength in the State of São Paulo is undeniable, but at the same time this is its greatest weakness, because it cannot expand beyond the borders of the state. To date, their only victory on the national level was when they managed to elect Fernando Henrique Cardoso who served as president of Brazil from 1995 to 2003. And today, even though it joined the PMDB to bring about the institutional coup which toppled Dilma Rousseff, the PSDB is working behind the scenes to erode the government of Michel Temer. This aim is what led to the events whereby the Minister of Justice, who is a member of the PSDB serving in the government of the PMDB, began the investigations against the leaders of the latter party within the weak government of Michel Temer. Now we’re witnessing the second stage of the institutional coup that brought struck the Workers’ Party, as the PSDB has set its sights on the other main partner of the Popular Front, the PMDB. Behind all of this are clearly the interests of American imperialism, and the main objective is to transform Brazil into a country that completely conforms to the neoliberal mold, just like what happened in Chile starting with the dictatorship of General Pinochet under the guidance of the "Chicago school" ideologues like George Stigler and Milton Friedman who advocate the Minimum State.

The Crisis among the Sectors of the Bourgeoisie is the Opportunity for Workers’ Resistance

The invasion of the Senate by order of a judge (something unthinkable in countries considered great powers) is yet another step in the process of disintegration of the so-called constitutional regime base on bourgeois law, and has opened the path to a major decline, or even the total destruction of, the few remaining democratic rights that workers have under the capitalist system in Brazil.

There no longer exists in Brazil the right of any citizen, who suspects that his or her home is under surveillance or being bugged, to hire a specialist to find the object and remove it. Anyone doing so can be arrested. The so-called “democratic rights” are being systematically demolished in Brazil. If the new regime which came to power after the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff is doing this to Senators of the Republic, what can we expect will happen to ordinary citizens, member of social movements and leftist parties?

It is clear that the regime imposed by the putchists is designed to hand over the national wealth to imperialism (in the greater privatization of Petrobras; the large-scale privatization of all sectors; and the freezing of the level of public expenditures, etc.). No less, it is also an outright assault on the workers in favor of national and global big business (the destruction of laws which benefit the workers; the reform and degrading pensions; the total outsourcing of the public sector; layoffs; etc.); all this is being done to impose the plans of the putchists and those who stand behind them: to liquidate any remnants of anything resembling a democratic regime.

CUT and Social Movements Call for a General Strike on November 11

The National Executive Directorate of the Central Única dos Trabalhadores-CUT (Unified Workers' Central), met in late October in Brasilia and reaffirmed November 11 as a national day of strikes, organized together with the other Trade Union Centers and various entities of the social movements that make up Frente Brasil Popular and Povo Sem Medo (Brazil Popular Front and People Without Fear).

* Mobilize for the General Strike November 11! For mass mobilization against the pro-austerity offensive of the far right! For the setting up of action committees in factories, unions, neighborhoods, slums and outlying regions in defense of our rights and against the government of putchists!

* For the mobilization of autonomous worker resistance and the convening of a national constituent assembly!

* For a national conference of delegates of all mass anti-putchist organizations to discuss and adopt a plan against the new regime!

 * For a working class government in alliance with the peasants, urban poor and the landless! We can only guarantee our future and our rights if we bring down capitalism, the source of our misery!

 * The CCR – Corrente Comunista Revolucionária - is dedicated to building an authentic revolutionary party in all of Brazil and Latin America. This is the only way that we can fight consistently for our rights!